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Party comrades! My German folk comrades! I have come to you for a few hours in order, in your midst, to again experience the memory of a day which for us, for the movement and this for the whole German folk, was of great importance.

It was a difficult decision, which I made back then and with a group of comrades also put into execution, a difficult decision, however, which had to be dared. The apparent failure has nonetheless become the birth of the great National Socialist liberation movement, for following this failure came, after all, that famous trial, which enabled us to stand up for the first time before the whole public for our view, for our goals and for our decision, to assume responsibility and hence to make the great masses of our folk familiar with our ideas.

If, in the four years from the year 1919 to 1923, the National Socialist movement could grow so much that it managed to still mobilize the whole nation in a shaking up event, then this was to be ascribed to the general situation in which Germany found itself. A terrible catastrophe had befallen our folk and our land. After an almost 45 year long peace, one had driven Germany into war back then. Much was said about war guilt. Today we know quite precisely - and already knew it back then - that actually only one blame could be assigned to the Reich governments before 1914 and up until then, namely the blame, first, not to have done enough of what had to be done and could have been done in the service of national strengthening, and second, that it allowed numerous favorable moments to pass, but then, at the most unfavorable one, it had to let itself be drawn into war. And there was no doubt that years earlier, if it had really wanted war, that years earlier there would have been better opportunities. The same forces which are today our opponents already back then incited war against the old Germany – and with the same slogans and the same lies. We all - insofar as we were combatants back then - know that the English and French did not defeat us on the field. It required a great lie in order to steal the weapons from our folk. Today there is one or the other, who perhaps in a foreign country is amazed at my great self-confidence. I can only give as reply that I have won this self-confidence myself in the field. In the four years, I never had for even just a moment the conviction or even the crushing awareness that any opponent could be superior to us. Neither Frenchmen nor Englishmen had summoned up more courage, more strength in the face of death, than the German soldier!

What brought Germany down back then, were the lies of our opponents. They were the lies of the same men who also lie again today, because, after all, they are the same war mongers, for Mr. Churchill and comrades, after all, already back then participated in the war. That far, things have remained the same, after all. Only something has changed: Back then, Mr. Churchill agitated for war, and there was a weak government in Germany. Today, Mr. Churchill again agitates for war, but there is now a different government in Germany! For the government of today, after all, faced the English back then. And it hence does not have more respect than one needs to have for any other soldier, but also not the slightest feeling of inferiority, rather, quite the opposite, the feeling of superiority.

The lies were the same as today. - With what did England go to war back then? One said back then: First, Great Britain fights for the freedom of the little nations. We then later saw how England treated the freedom of these little nations, how little, above all, these so-called statesmen concerned them-selves with the freedom of these little nations, how they sup-pressed minorities, mistreated folks and they also do this today, after all, insofar as it corresponds to their goals and fits their program. Then one said: England fights for justice! England, however, had for 300 years already fought for justice and received as reward for it from the dear Lord roughly 40 million square kilometers on earth and, furthermore, 480 million people to rule over. So does God reward the folks who fight “only for justice”! Especially the folks, who fight for the “self- determination of the others”; for England, after all, back then also fought for the right of self-determination. One declared: The British soldier does not go to the field for any selfish interests at all. He fights for the right of self-determination of the folks. - One could have then expected that immediately after the war England, leastwise in its own world empire, England would proclaim self-determination. But one spared oneself that or one saved oneself for the next war!

And then England fought back then for “civilization”, but that exists only in England. Only in the English mining regions does civilization exist, only in the English slums does civilization exist, in Whitechapel and in the other quarters of mass misery and of decay!

And furthermore, back then - and also since then - England goes to the field for “humanity”. But one first loaded humanity into shells as gunpowder. But one may also fight with poor weapons, after all, if one just fights for a noble, lofty goal. And England has always done that!

And one went a step farther. One declared back then: We English do not fight against the German folk at all, quite the opposite, the German folk, we English love it; we, the Chur-chills, the Chamberlains etc., we do not fight against the Ger-man folk. We all only fight against the regime suppressing the German folk. For we English have only one task: to free Germany from its regime in order to make the German folk happy. And for this purpose, we English fight above all for it that the German folk is relieved of the burdens of its militarism. It should become free, it could go so far that it no longer needs to bear any weapons. And if it should ever itself have a wish, then we want to go a step farther. We want to prevent it from ever again being able to bear weapons, in order to make it completely free, the German folk. And one declared it is furthermore a mean trick, if one claims of us English that we had, say, anything against German commerce in the whole world. Quite the opposite, we want to secure freedom of trade in the whole world. We hence also have nothing against the German merchant marine. That is also a lie - declared Mr. Churchill back then. And one further declared that it is an even more infamous defamation, if, say, one wants to ascribe to the English as war goal that they had designs on the German colonies, a mean trick to even just think such a thing. So did one declare 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917 and even still in 1918.

One went a step farther. One did not fight for victory at all, one fought for a peace of agreement, a peace of reconciliation, above all, for a peace of equality of rights. And this peace, it should then enable it that in the future one would be able to renounce armaments at all. For one also fought against war, after all. England waged war - so did one say - in order to finally eradicate war. England has always only waged war, after all, in order to eradicate war, namely the war of those upon whom war is waged, the resistance of those attacked. One hence declared there could be no talk that, say, it was the goal of British war policy to fetch war reparations from the German folk, rather, quite the opposite, one strove for a peace without reparations, and as crowning of this peace then, after a general disarmament, an eternal league of nations.

And then the great second Woodrow Wilson summed all that up in 14 points and then later supplemented it with another three points, those famous points, in which we were assured we first did not have to fear being treated, say, unfairly, that we had to lay down our arms only in trust in the word of England and of the other allies, in order to then be accepted into a genuine community of folks, in which there would no longer be victors and vanquished, in which only right should rule. One promised us that only then would the colonies be fairly distributed, that all legal claims and justified claims to colonies would find their consideration etc... And all that was then supposed to find its final crowning in the League of Nations, the final consecration, the league of all nations. And war was thereby then supposed to be definitively eliminated from this world, and now an eternal peace should come.

And that was all understood, after all, from the English standpoint. If somebody has conquered 40 million square kilometers with approximately 46 million people, if, with these 46 million people, one has subjugated 480 million others, then it is understandable, after all, if the person affected now has the wish that now peace should finally prevail. For 300 years, we have waged war against the war. For 300 years, we have enriched ourselves. For 300 years, we have subjugated land after land, knocked down folk after folk. But now we have the world, and now there should be peace.! - That is understandable. It was hence also understandable that one now really wanted to carry out in the League of Nations a kind of sterilization of the now set in condition.

But, after all, everything then turned out differently. Today an English minister stands up and says with tears in his eyes: Oh, how gladly would we have nonetheless come to an agreement with Germany, if only we could have trust in the word of German governments.

Exactly the same thing lies on my tongue! Oh, how gladly would we have nonetheless come to an agreement with an Englishman, if only we could have trust in the word of his leadership! For when has a folk ever more been vilely lied to and swindled and deceived than in the last two decades the German folk by English statesmen!

Where was the promised freedom of folks?

Where was justice back then?

Where was the self-determination of folks?

Where was the renunciation of contributions and war reparations etc.?

Where was the promised regulation of the colonial problem?

Where was the solemn declaration that one did not want to take away from Germany its colonies?

Where was the sacred assurance than one did not have the intention of burdening us with unbearable burdens? Where, finally, were the assurances that we would be accepted as nation with equal rights into the lap of this so-called League of Nations?

Where was the assurance that a general disarmament would take place?

Nothing but lies!

One has taken our colonies away from us, one has destroyed our trade, one has stolen our military fleet, one has torn away from us millions of Germans, one allowed them to be mistreated, one has plundered our folk, one has burdened us with contributions and burdens that we would not have been able to pay off in a hundred years. One has plunged us into deepest misery. And from this misery has come the National Socialist movement.

One should not act today as if one wanted to open, say, for a Germany that was not National Socialist, as if one wanted to open for it, say, the golden British heart. The Germany that we once knew was, God knows, anything else but National Socialist; it was democratic, it was cosmopolitan, it believed blindly in the assurances of British statesmen. This Germany had trust back then, it disarmed itself, it dishonored itself. And it was only deceived! And from the distress that came from it, our movement has come! And from the greatest breach of word of all times, a Spa came and later a Versailles, that treaty of shame; for you know it, my old comrades, how precisely from this spot I portrayed to you hundreds and hundreds of times, point by point. Over 400 articles, in each of these articles is and was partially an insult, partially a rape of a great nation. The result of it was then this time of misery and of desperation, in it as well the time of inflation, of the theft of all savings, of the theft of all life possibilities, the time of great unemployment, of the slow starvation of our folk, the time of tremendous suicides in Germany. For back then, this Germany had more suicides in two years than Americans who fell over the course of the war in the west.

From this great distress has arisen our movement, and it has hence had to make difficult decisions from the first day on.

And one of these decisions was the revolt of November 8/9, 1923. This decision seemingly failed back then, only, Germany’s rescue has first really come from these sacrifices. 16 dead! Just that millions have been pulled up by them. The National Socialist movement began its triumphant march through Germany back then.

And since then, Germany has become a world power - through our movement! Certainly, it was understandable that the old enemy would stir again at the moment, when we should have overcome the consequences of the defeats.

There are without a doubt two kinds of England. We not want to be unfair here. In England as well, there are numerous people for whom this whole hypocritical bearing is inwardly hated, who have nothing to do with it. Only they are either silenced there or they are speechless. Decisive for us is that we have never found these Englishmen, for whom we ourselves have searched for years. You know how I have endeavored for almost two years to struggle for agreement and for agreement with England. Our whole goal setting was a single limitation of German policy in the sense of the enabling of the achievement of an agreement with England; likewise an agreement with France. What all did we not write off here, what did we not renounce! One thing, however, was self-evident: A German government cannot pronounce a renunciation of life! And the National Socialist government does not think at all about pronouncing a renunciation of life! Quite the opposite, we have come, after all, out of protest against the previous renunciation of life by our democratic world. I do not think at all about pronouncing a renunciation of life, rather, quite the opposite, I will succeed with the life and the security of the German folk and Reich!

I have never presumed to butt into, say, British or French interests. If an Englishman exists today who now stands up and says: We are responsible for the fate of the folks of Central Europe, we are responsible for the fate of the folks of Eastern Europe, then I can only say to this gentleman: Precisely so could we declare, we are responsible for the folks in Palestine, for the fate of the folks in Egypt, for the fate of the folks, for all I care, in India.

If an Englishman says: Our border lies on the Rhine, and the next comes and says: Our border lies on the Vistula, then I can only say to him: See to it, sir, that you get back to the River Thames, otherwise we will help you to find your real borders!

Present day Germany, at any rate, is willing and determined to secure its borders and to protect its living space. It is the space that the English have not cultivated, rather we! We have gone nowhere the English had already brought culture.

If Lord Halifax now declares in his speech of yesterday that he stands up for the arts and culture, and for that purpose Germany must be destroyed, then we can only say: Sir, we already had culture when you still had no idea of culture. And in the last six years, more has been accomplished in Germany than in the last 100 years in England! And whither we have previously gone, we did not find there cultural monuments of British culture apostles, rather the cultural monuments of Germans. I have sought in vain in Prague, or Poland, or Graudenz, or in Thorn, or in Danzig, or in Vienna, to find British cultural monuments. Perhaps these British cultural monuments stand in Egypt or in India.

At any rate, we have elevated the German nation again, and indeed from year to year, beginning with the year 1933 through 1934, 1935 and 1936. We have put behind us one step after the other and made Germany free, move by move, and at the same time made it strong! And here, however, I also understand the concern of these international warmongers. They have seen to their regret that the new Germany nonetheless is no longer totally the old Germany.

I have striven to develop not only the cultural side of our life, rather also the power side, and indeed fundamentally!

We have built up a Wehrmacht - I can safely say this today, after all - such as a second does not exist in the world!

And behind this Wehrmacht stands a folk in a unity such as was never previously the case in German history! And over this Wehrmacht and over this folk stands today a government with a fanatical strength of will, such as this as well was never before the case in the past centuries in Germany!

This new Germany, as you all know, possesses no war goal at all against England or France. I took a stand on this in my last speech as well, when I offered my hand to England and France for the last time. If one now nonetheless attacks us, then that can have nothing to do with, say, the question of Austria or the Czech land or Poland, for, after all, generally one immediately very quickly forgot the questions according to need. And besides, the case of Poland, after all, shows how little England in itself is interested in the existence of states, for otherwise, after all, it would have had to declare war on Soviet Russia as well, since Poland, after all, was roughly halved. But the English say: No, that is no longer the decisive thing at all now, we now have another war goal again. First, it was Poland’s freedom, then - then it was Nazism, then it was again the guarantees for the future. Now it will be something else. They will simply wage war, as long as, above all, they find somebody who is willing to wage war with them, this means, who is willing to let himself as well be sacrificed for them. The reasons are the old slogans. If one namely declares that one now wants to stand up for freedom, for freedom overall and in particular, then Great Britain, after all, could give the world a wonderful example in that it finally bestows full freedom upon its own nationalities.

How noble would this British crusade then immediately look, if it had been introduced with the proclamation of freedom for the 350 million Indians or if it had been introduced with the proclamation of independence, of free right of plebiscite, for all other British colonies! How glorious would this British crusade then look, and how gladly would we then bow before such an England! Initially, however, we see how this England itself suppresses hundreds of millions of people, how this same England has looked on as numerous millions of Germans have been suppressed. It hence does not move us in the least, if today a British minister exclaims with crying eyes that England has only idealistic goals, no selfish ones at all. Britain has never yet had them. - I already said that Britain has never yet fought for selfish goals, rather the dear Lord has in the execution of the fighting only then bestowed upon England the regions and the people as reward for fighting unselfishly. Hence if they now declare again that they possess no selfish goals, then this is ridiculous. That does not move us, and the German folk can really only be amazed that barely 20 years after such a huge world swindle one can still serve up the same swindle.

Or, if one says that one stands up for culture. England as culture creator is a factor for itself. We have few traces of a real British cultural creative activity in other lands. England’s cultural activity is limited almost exclusively to the British motherland itself and to those regions that are practically subjugated to this British motherland. Otherwise we can see nothing of a cultural activity. We Germans do not need to let ourselves be taken in by the English in the sphere of culture at all. Our music, our literature, our architecture, our painting, our sculpture can absolutely compare itself with the English and the English arts. Still, I believe one individual -well, let us say: Beethoven - has musically accomplished more than all Englishmen of the past and present together. And the nurturing of this culture, we also look after that better than the English can at all.

If they then further say that it is now time to finally put an end to the war - they would not have needed to start it at all! For the war is only there, because England wanted it!

If they say today: Now there is war, we - the English - do not want that, we will hence now wage war so that in the future there are no longer any wars, then one can only say to them: They did not need to start the war at all, then there would be no war at all!

We are convinced that, furthermore, there will be wars for as long as the goods of the world are not fairly distributed, and as long as one does not, from one’s own will and out of justice, undertake this distribution of goods.

And one could do that, after all! If one says today: Yes, National Socialist Germany, we cannot give it the colonies, even though they downright pain us ourselves, for we English are distressed by the possession of these colonies, we would gladly like to distribute the raw materials of the world, but we must give that to somebody whom we trust! - Oh, other governments warn against us as well, after all. Those were governments by England’s grace; they were, after all, in part paid by England. One must have trust for that! Why did one not give them the goods to which the German folk has claim? Here as well, one would not need to distribute anything at all, one would just need to not first rob us of our property!

We as well are of the opinion that this war must come to an end, and that one cannot and should not and may not come again every few years. And we hence consider it necessary that, for this purpose, the nations limit themselves in their spheres of influence, this means in other words, that the condition comes to an end that a folk presumes to want to play world policeman and wants to butt in everywhere. At least, insofar as it is about Germany, this time the British government will still recognize that the attempt to undertake an establishment of a police dictatorship must and will fail.

Neither in the past nor in the present have we ever become acquainted with the British statesmen as culture apostles - but we do not bear them at all as police authority! Furthermore, they also know that all this are not the reasons.

The reasons lie in another area. Basically, they hate social Germany! For what have we ever done to them? Nothing at all! What have we taken from them? Nothing at all! Have we threatened them? Not once! Were we not ready, say, to make treaties with them? Yes! We also did that. Did we not obligate ourselves to undertake limitations of our armaments? We have even proposed that. No, all of that did not interest them.

What they hate, that is Germany, which offers a “bad” example, it is, first of all, social Germany, the Germany of our social work legislation, which they hated already before the World War and that they hate today, too. The Germany of welfare, that they hate, the Germany of social compensation, the Germany of the elimination of class differences, that they hate. The Germany that, over of the course of seven years, now strives to enable its folk comrades a decent life, that they hate. The Germany that has eliminated unemployment, which they could not eliminate with their wealth, that they hate! The Germany that on its ships gives its workers, the seamen, decent quarters, that is what they hate, because they have the feeling that their own folk could be “infected” by it! And they hence also hate the Germany of social legislation, the Germany that celebrates May 1st as the Day of National Work, that has taken up the struggle toward the classes. This Germany, they hate it, in reality. They hence also primarily hate the healthy Germany, the folk healthy Germany, the Germany that concerns itself for its folk comrades, which washes the children, where the child does not run away full of lice, that does not let conditions arise such as they now admit in their own press. This Germany, they hate!

It is their money magnets, their Jewish and non-Jewish international barons, bank barons etc., those are the ones who hate us, because they see in this Germany a bad example, which could perhaps incite others folks - their own. They hate the Germany of our young, healthy, blossoming generation, the Germany of welfare for this generation.

And they hence naturally thereby also hate the strong Germany, the Germany that marches, the Germany that voluntarily takes upon itself sacrifices.

How they hate us, we have seen this, after all. We made a Four-Year Plan in order to help ourselves. We have through this Four-Year Plan taken nothing from anybody. For if we make gasoline or rubber out of our coal, or if we help ourselves with other substitute materials, what do we thereby take away from the others? Nothing, nothing at all! Quite the opposite, they should be happy, they would have been able to say: Then you thereby unburden our markets, God be praised and thank God, if they produce their own gasoline, then they do not need to export so that they can import. - All the better for us, world gasoline remains reserved for us. - No, they fought against the Four-Year Plan. They said: The plan must go! - Why then? Because it makes Germany healthy! That is the sole reason.

It is the struggle against the free, against the independent, against the healthy, against the life-capable Germany. That is now their struggle!

And this is now confronted by our struggle. And this struggle is our eternal National Socialist and constant one, the struggle for the establishment of a healthy, strong folk community, for the overcoming and elimination of the damages in this community and for the security of this community toward the other world. This is the goal: We fight for our folk’s security, for our living space, in which we do not let ourselves be bossed around by others!

If one now declares in England that this conflict, which has now broken out, this is the Second Punic war, then it does not yet stand firm in history who in this case is Rome and who is Carthage. In the first, at any rate, England was not yet Rome, for in the Punic War, Rome really triumphed; in the First World War, England did not triumph, rather others were the victors. And in the second - this I can assure you - England will really not be the victor! This time, another Germany confronts this England of the World War; they will probably still be able to gauge this in the foreseeable future. A Germany that is filled with an intractable will, and that reacts to the nonsense of British slogan men only with laughter. If today an Englishman comes and says: We fight for the world’s freedom, we fight for democracy, we fight for culture, we fight for civilization, we fight for justice - then this only triggers resounding laughter in Germany.

For that, the generation still lives, after all, which has become personally acquainted with the “honesty” of such British war goal presentations. And even if we ourselves had not learned anything, then, in any case, we also would not have not forgotten anything! But we have not only not forgotten anything, rather we have learned!

Every British balloon that drifts into our lines and brings down a few “inventive” leaflets proves to us that, in this other world, everything has remained at a standstill for 20 years. But every echo in Germany would have to prove to them that here a movement took place, and indeed a movement of tremendous dynamic magnitude and of a tremendous force and effectiveness.

England does not want peace! We have heard that again yesterday. I declared already in my Reichstag speech that I personally have nothing more to say about it. The rest, we will say to the English in the language that they will probably already understand!

We are very sorry that France put itself in the service of this British war agitation and that it couples its path with England’s path.

As regards Germany, we have never been afraid of a front. We once successfully defended two fronts. We now have only one front, and we will be successful on this front, one can be convinced of that!

I have viewed it not as a success of German politics, rather as a success of reason, that we have managed to come to an agreement with Russia. Once both folks fought each other to the point of bleeding to death. Neither of both folks had a gain from it. We have agreed to no longer do the gentlemen in London and Paris this favor a second time!

So we now stand at a great historical turning point. From struggle, National Socialism once arose. We were all soldiers back then. A large portion has today again put on the gray uniform. But the others as well have remained soldiers. Germany has thoroughly transformed itself. Just as Prussia, in the years 1813 and 1814, could no longer be compared to the Prussia of 1806, so can the Germany of 1939, 1940, 1941 or 1942 no longer be compared to the Germany of 1914, 1915, 1916 or 1917 or 1918.

What could exist back then, is impossible in the future. We will - and, above all, the party guarantees this to me - make sure that the manifestations such as we unfortunately had to experience in the World War, that such manifestations can no longer surface in Germany. We, my National Socialist fighters, dealt with these manifestations when we still fought as a ridiculous minority in Germany.

Back then, we only had our faith. And we beat down these manifestations and eliminated them. Today we also have power. And never again will such manifestations come across Germany.

Our will is exactly as unbending in the struggle toward the outside as it was once unbending in the struggle for power in the interior. Just as I always told you back then: everything is conceivable, just not one thing, that we capitulate, so I can today as well only repeat to the world as National Socialist: Everything is conceivable, never a capitulation! One should get that out of one’s head, after all. If one then declares to me: then the war will last three years -, how long it lasts, plays no role, Germany will never capitulate, never, not now, and also not in three years.

One tells me England has prepared itself for a three-year war. On the day of the British war declaration, I gave Field Marshal Göring the order to immediately make all preparations for a duration of initially five years, not because I believe that this war lasts five years, but because even in five years we would never capitulate, and indeed not for any price in the world.

But we will now show these gentlemen, after all, what the strength of an 80 million folk can do, under one leadership, with one will, united in one community. And here, the party, in memory of the earlier dead, will have to really fulfill its great mission. It becomes the bearer of this will, of the determination, of the unity and hence of our German folk community. Whatever individual sacrifices may yet be demanded from us, that will pass, it is unimportant. Decisive is and remains only victory!

Thanks to our preparations, we will wage this struggle under much easier conditions than, say, in the year 1914. Back then, Germany blindly stumbled into this struggle. We have equipped the nation for many years psychologically, but, above all, also economically. Through our great planning, we have made sure that the German pilot does not run out of gasoline. Through our planning, we have made sure that in the first war year there is no wastage and valuable goods are used up, rather that, on the day of the declaration of war, immediately that rationing sets in, which offers the prerequisites for holding out even for the longest time. But in all other areas as well, we have developed our German possibilities to the most extreme, so that I can today give you only the one assurance: Neither militarily nor economically will they be able to beat us down to the slightest degree. Here only one can triumph, and that is we!

That Mr. Churchill does not believe this, I ascribe to his old age. Others as well have not believed this. They were first taught by Mr. Churchill, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Halifax etc., our Polish opponents. They would have never gone to this war, if they had not been driven in by the British side. England reinforced their back and whipped them up and agitated them. The course of the war has shown, for perhaps the first time, what instrument the German Reich has meanwhile forged for itself. It was not so, my folk comrades, that, say, the Pole was cowardly, or that he only ran, that was not so! He fought very valiantly at many spots. Nonetheless, a state with over 36 million people, with around 50 divisions, a state that, at the time, had an average recruiting year with almost 300,000 compared to 120,000 French recruits per year - nonetheless, this state was, in just 10 days militarily beaten, in 18 days, annihilated and in 30 days, forced to total capitulation!

In the process, we are also aware how much Providence has helped us. In the process, it made so much possible for us. It has allowed our plans to be properly shaped, and it has visibly blessed the execution. Without it, this work would have never been able to succeed, not in this period. We are hence also of the belief that Providence wanted what happened! Just as I often declared to you earlier that the defeat of 1918 was deserved, deserved by us, because we had not been able to properly and worthily preserve the great victories. In the future, one should no longer make this reproach to us.

In this gratitude, we bow before all our heroes, before the brave soldiers, our dead comrades and the many wounded. Through their sacrifice, they have helped that the first enemy, who brought this war to ignition, was overcome in hardly 30 days. May every German be aware that the sacrifice of these men is exactly as valuable as the sacrifice of every other in the future will be valuable, that nobody has the right to deem his sacrifice in the future more valuable. What we as National Socialists have brought along in the history of our movement as realization and as oath of the martyrdom of November 9th, namely that for which the first 16 fell, was valuable enough to bring many others, if necessary, to die - this realization should never leave us in the future as well.

For our German folk, countless millions have fallen over the course of many centuries, yes, millennia. Millions of others have given their blood for it, none of us knows whether it does not strike him, too. Only each must know that he does not thereby make more sacrifices than others before him have also made and others after him will one day have to make. The sacrifices that the woman takes upon herself in that she gives the nation the child, the man takes upon himself in sacrifices in that he defends the nation.

We National Socialists have always been fighters. And now is the great time in which we want to prove ourselves as fighters.

We thereby also best celebrate the anniversary of the memory of the first sacrifice of our movement. I cannot close this evening without, as always, thanking you for your devotion throughout all the long years, and without promising you that, in the future as well, we want to hold high the old ideals, that we want to stand up for them, and that we will not shun the risk, if necessary, of our own life as well, in order to achieve the program of our movement, the program that says nothing else than to secure our folk life and existence in this world.

That was the first introduction paragraph of our National Socialist affirmation of faith, and that will be the last sentence that stands written over each individual National Socialist, then, when at the end of his fulfillment of duty, he parts from this world.

Party comrades! Our National Socialist movement, our German folk and, above all, now our victorious Wehrmacht. Sieg Heil!

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