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Party comrades! German folk comrades! I have again come here a few hours, true to the old custom, to speak to you, my first followers and fellow fighters, and to honor those who back then made the greatest sacrifice that they could make for our movement and hence for Germany.

When I stood here before you the last time, a glorious year of great events laid behind us. I do not know how many people outside the Reich before the year 1940 had a clear idea of what could happen and what will happen. Even in our own folk, there were probably only a few who possessed knowledge of what was imminent, what had to succeed and what would succeed.

After, ending in the year 1939, even my last efforts to achieve the necessary revision along peaceful path had failed, after the international democratic agitators finally managed back then to plunge Europe into war, our first task was initially to eliminate the one opponent in the east. This happened in 18 days. Actually, those people not totally abandoned by reason would have had, already after these few weeks, to give an accounting to themselves of how futile their attempt was to once again vanquish the German Reich. They did not do it, quite the opposite, the hand of peace, which I extended to them, was pushed back, yes, I personally was even reviled as a coward for it. So there was nothing else to do than to begin the year 1940 with the decision to definitively vanquish the Reich’s western opponent.

Only through carelessness, through our opponents’ talkativeness, did we learn that one planned a coup d’état against Norway, under the slogan of wanting to help Finland, in reality against the Swedish ore railway and the Swedish ore mines. Back then, they already did not reckon with our and with my resolve. They let their picture of my personality be drawn by those emigrants who had to flee Germany before my personality. This picture was not totally accurate; it was false. In contrast to the expectations of these opponents, I hence quickly decided to first solve the Norwegian question in our sense. It succeeded back then. And then, a short time later, came that unequalled triumphant march, which knocked down the opponent in the west and forced England to that “glorious” retreat, which, as one claims, will be one of the glorious chapters in British military history for all time; it looked very disorderly. I have personally seen the traces of this “glorious” action; they looked quite disorderly.

I then decided, once more and for the last time - I stressed this back then - offered England my hand and pointed out that a continuation of the war, precisely for England itself, could only be senseless, that there was nothing that could prevent a reasonable peace, yes, that there were actually no disagreements between England and Germany in itself, other than those that had been made artificially. The crazy drunkard who has been directing England for years immediately again saw in this as well a new sign of my weakness. I was again portrayed as a man who saw a dark future and no longer trusted himself to continue the fight. I did not see the future any differently than it played out. But aside from all the glories, I also foresaw the sacrifices, and I only wanted to spare these sacrifices, on all sides. I naturally wanted to first spare them our own folk, but toward the rest of the world as well, I believed I was responsible as victor to offer it my hand. This, as said, was not comprehended by those who themselves, after all, have never in their life had to make a sacrifice and who also did not possess a closer touch with the sacrifices of their own folk.

So there was nothing else left for us than to finally bind the helmet more securely and to start along the path that will for all time free us from the dangers that threaten not only the German Reich, rather all of Europe.

When I last spoke to you here, my old party comrades, I could speak in the full feeling of a victory like perhaps hardly ever a mortal before me. And nonetheless, a heavy concern weighed upon my insight back then: it was clear to me that, behind all these world events, the one is to be sought as ultimate arsonist, who has always lived from the commerce of the nations: the international Jew! I would have no longer been a National Socialist, if I had ever distanced myself from this realization. We have followed his tracks through so many years, we have in this sphere, probably for the first time systematically, scientifically, clarified this problem and phenomenon of mankind and have ourselves so correctly comprehended the words of a great Jew, who says the race question is the key to world history. We hence also knew quite precisely, and I knew it above all, that behind this event as well, the Jew was the driving force, that he - as always in history - in part found strawheads who were ready to step up for him, in part unscrupulous subjects, people who wanted to do business and who were ready and are ready to shed blood at any time for such business.

I became acquainted with this Jew as global arsonist back then. One saw it, after all, how he had first, along the detour of press, of radio, of film, of theater etc., previously slowly poisoned the folks. One saw how his poisoning progressed, one saw how his money interest had to work in this sense, after all. And in the first days of the war, certain Englishmen, after all, stated it quite openly - they were only armaments owners - : “The war must last at least three years. It will not end before three years!” - That is what they said. This was understandable, they had invested their capital, after all, and could not hope to be able to achieve an amortization of this capital in less than three years. Certainly, for us National Socialists, my party comrades, this is almost incomprehensible. But in this democratic word, it is simply so. One is minister-president or one is war minister and simultaneously owner of countless stock portfolios of armaments factories. The interests are hence clarified.

We once became familiar with this opponent as the driving force in our inner struggle. We had this coalition before us, the black-red-gold one, this mixture of hypocrisy, misuse of religion on the one hand, capital interests on the other, and finally the really Jewish-Marxist interests. We completely overcame this coalition in the interior in a hard fight. But this enemy thus naturally still stood before us in the exterior, and he was, after all, the inspirer of the world coalition against the German folk and against the German Reich. He once pushed Poland forward, he later then forced France, Belgium and Holland and Norway under the spell of his service. England was a driving force from the start. What was more understandable than that one day the power would assemble against us, which possesses this Jewish spirit as clearest ruler? For this greatest servant of Jewry was then Soviet Russia. Time has meanwhile confirmed everything that we National Socialists had claimed for many years; a state where the whole national intelligentsia had been butchered, a spiritless sub-humanity proletarianized with force remained left and, above it, a huge organization of Jewish commissars, this means, in reality, slave-holders. There was often doubt whether in this state perhaps the national tendency would suddenly triumph. In the process, one just totally forgot that the bearers of a conscious national insight no longer existed there at all, that, in the final analysis, the man who became the temporarily master of this state is nothing else than an instrument in the hands of this all powerful Jewry and that, when Stalin stands on the stage or in front of the curtain, then behind him, at any rate, Kaganowtisch and all those Jews who, in a ten thousand-fold ramification downward, rule this mighty empire.

When I spoke to you here back then last year, I was already distressed by the insight into a development, which could no longer be misinterpreted. While we were just carrying out the assembly in the west, Soviet Russia already began the assembly in the east. There was a moment when three of our divisions stood in East Prussia, and Russia had already mobilized 22 divisions in the Baltic region. And this intensified from month to month. And this did not remain hidden to us. Almost month by month, we could determine precisely each individual formation, where, how and when it arrived. Tied to this was a tremendous work on our front, which also was not supposed to be overlooked. Over the course of a few months, not one hundred, rather nine hundred airfields were put under construction, in part finished, set. One could calculate for what purpose such a gigantic massing, beyond all comprehension, of the Russian airforce took place. In addition, there now began the filling of a base for an assembly, a base that was so gigantic that one could already conclude from it again the magnitude of the assembly. Parallel to this went an unprecedented escalation of armaments production. New factories were set up, factories of which you, my party comrades, can in part perhaps form no concept at all; factories, which two years ago were still a peasant village, were set up in two years and now had 65,000 workers. The workers in mud huts, only the factory buildings, the GPU [Russian secret police] administration buildings up front as palaces, in the rear as prisons with cells for the most horrible killing and torture. Parallel to this went a shift of troops not only from the interior, rather even from the east of this world empire to our border. Division joined division. The numbers finally already went far above 100, 120, 140, 150, 170 divisions.

Under these distressing realizations, I invited Molotov to Berlin back then. You know the results of this Berlin conference, after all. They no longer left any doubt that Russia was determined to advance, at the latest in this autumn, possibly already in the summer. One demands that we ourselves, I want to say, would peacefully open the gate for the march. I do not belong to those people who imitate certain animal who select their own butcher. I hence quickly dismissed Molotov as well back then. And it was clear to me that now the dice had fallen and that the most difficult path would not be spared us. This was confirmed by Russia’s activity, above all, in the Balkans, by that subterranean activity, which, after all, we know sufficiently well from Germany. Everywhere Bolshevik agents, everywhere new Jews, everywhere subversive writings. There began that subterranean work, which one can no longer be kept secret at all after a short time and finally also did not want to still keep secret. Among us as well, one began with a new propaganda again. It was not very successful, for the effectiveness of National Socialist work had meanwhile shown itself.

Finally, the moment came, when one could recognize the conclusion of the Russian assembly, when - aside from a couple divisions around Moscow, which one obviously held back as guard against the own folk, and a few divisions in the east - there was no longer anything that was not on the western front. And in addition to all that, in Serbia, the rebellion known to you, broke out, promoted by Russia, the coup d’état incited by Bolshevik agents and English emissaries, and right afterward the friendship pact, Russia’s support treaty with Serbia. Back then. Mr. Stalin was of the conviction that already this campaign would perhaps tie us down for a whole year, and that then the moment could come, when he would put in an appearance not only with weapons and material, rather finally with his gigantic human reservoir. But today I can state it for the first time: There was still something else that enlightened us about it:

In the year 1939 and 1940, a large number of so-called secret sessions of the British House of Commons took place. And in these secret sessions, the whisky-blessed Mr. Churchill expressed his thoughts and his hopes and finally his conviction, namely, that Russia was on the march to England, and he possessed from Mr. Cripps absolute documents that it would last at most one to one and a half years until Russia put in an appearance, hence one had to hold out at most one to one and a half years. This was also the reason for the back then incomprehensible courage of this gentleman. We received news of it, continuous news.

And I drew the conclusions from it. The first conclusion was the freeing of our southeastern flank. I can only say, we must today, after knowledge of everything that had happened, really thank Mussolini that, already in the year 1940, he thrust into and pricked this abscess. We managed still in the spring, actually in a few weeks, with the help of the European states standing by us, to solve this problem and to definitively clarify the question, gloriously concluded with the capture of Crete and hence with the placement of a lock in front of the Dardanelles.

I have so often already spoken of the accomplishments of our Wehrmacht. It proved itself gloriously in this campaign as well, especially not only the army, rather also the Luftwaffe.

And now I paid attention to every movement of our great opponent in the east. Since April and May, I was, I want to say, constantly, at the observation post and now watched incessantly that process, determined, at any moment when it become clear to me that the opponent now made preparations to attack, if necessary, to strike 24 hours earlier.

In the middle of June, the signs became ominous, and so, in the second half of June, there could no longer be any doubt that here it would be a question of perhaps days, perhaps weeks. And so I gave the order for the 22nd to now immediately attack on our own part. Believe me, my old party comrades, this was the most difficult decision of my whole previously life, a decision of which I knew that it would entangle us in a very difficult struggle, of which I hoped, however, that the chances to win it were all the greater, the faster we would anticipate the others.

For what was the situation back then? The west in itself was secured. I want to anticipate one thing right off: There are such brilliant politicians in the camp of our enemies, who now say that I had known that one would not attack us in the west, and hence I had the courage to attack in the east. I can only say to these geniuses: they mistake my caution. I prepared myself so in the west that they can assemble at any time. When the English want, be it in Norway or be it on our German coast or be it in Holland or in Belgium or in France, to undertake an offensive, then we can only say: assemble, you will depart again faster than you came! - We have today put these coasts into a different state than they were in even a year ago. There has been working there, and indeed working with a National Socialist thoroughness. And the chief of a large portion of this work - I need to say only one single name - was our Todt.

And there is naturally still work being done there. You know me from the party period, after all. I have never known standing still, rather if ten batteries stand somewhere, then five are added for the sake of safety, and if fifteen stand, then another five batteries are added, and more - and our opponents themselves supply us with sufficient batteries, after all. We have also left enough forces everywhere in order to be ready at any time. They did not come. And fine. I do not want to shed any blood at all, after all. But if they had come, then - as said - they would have already long ago left again. Hence we were secure here.

We secured the Balkans as well. In North Africa, our shared efforts had managed to likewise establish a stabile order. Romania likewise. Bulgaria grasped the threat and did nothing that could have somehow harmed us. Hungary likewise recognized the great historical hour and made the heroic decision, so that, when June 22nd came, I believed I could take responsibility before my own conscience to confront this threat - even if only with a few days head-start.

It is now, my old party comrades, a struggle not only for Germany, rather for all of Europe, a struggle for existence or nonexistence!

You know our allies, beginning in the north, the brave little heroic folk of the Finns, which has again proven itself beyond all measure. But there were then added Slovaks, Hungarians, Romanians, then also - for you must not forget that here it is about huge marches, about tremendous transport routes - allies from almost all of Europe: Italians, Croats, Dutch, Danish volunteers, Swedish volunteers, Norwegian volunteers, even French volunteers, Belgian volunteers. I can really say that in the east, perhaps for the first time in one realization, all of Europe fights: just like once against the Huns, this time against this Mongol state of a second Genghis Khan.

The goal of this struggle was the destruction of the hostile power, this means, of the hostile combat forces, and, second, the occupation of the enemy armaments and nourishment basis. I do not need to assure you that prestige motives play no role at all. If hence one says today, we are on the defensive in Leningrad, after all, -: we were on the offensive in front of Leningrad for precisely as long as it was necessary in order to encircle Leningrad. Now we are on the defensive, the other must now break out; he will starve in Leningrad, or he will capitulate! But I will certainly not sacrifice one more man than is absolutely necessary.

If today there were somebody there to relieve Leningrad, then I would give the order to assault it, and we would break it. For whoever has marched from the East Prussian border to ten kilometers before Leningrad, he can also march the ten kilometers in front Leningrad into the city. One can believe that of us.

But that is not necessary. The city is surrounded, nobody will free it anymore, and it falls into our hands. And if one says: “Only as pile of rubble” - I have no interest at all in any city of Leningrad, rather only in the destruction of Leningrad’s industrial center. If the Russians want to blow up their cities, they perhaps spare us the task. I hence want to emphasize once again: prestige motives play no role at all here. Or if one says: “Why then don’t you march now?” Because at the moment it rains or snows, or because we are perhaps not yet completely finished with the rails. The tempo of our advance is not determined by those wonderful British strategists, who have previously determined the tempo of their retreats, rather we ourselves determine that.

Second: Occupation of the enemy armaments and nourishment bases. Here as well, we proceed systematically! Often the destruction of a single works suffices to definitively paralyze a lot.

If I now, summarizing, want to sketch he success of this campaign so far, then the number of prisoners has now reached around 3.6 million, that means, 3,600,000 prisoners. And I forbid that here an English straw-head comes and says this is not confirmed. If a German military office has counted something, then it is correct! Different, if a stock-market crook counts it. For there is still an important difference between a German officer and a British stock-market jobber. This is correct exactly like the numbers are correct for our figures about the French prisoners. They were exactly correct. The English themselves know it very well, after all, because they constantly concern themselves with it, after all.

If I now see 3,6 million prisoners on the one side, and I take only World War ratios, then this corresponds to at least the same number of fallen. It would be a poor testimony for Mr. Stalin, if, say, his people would now fight less bravely than they did in the World War; quite the opposite, they fight, after all, in part, out of fear, out of terror, and in part, out of animalistic-fanatical insanity. And if I now presume that in Russia, similar as along us, for one fallen there are three to four wounded, then this results in a number which means an absolute loss of at least eight to ten million men, and indeed a permanent loss, without the slightly wounded, who can perhaps still be healed again.

My party comrades, no army in the world still recovers from that, not even the Russian one!

If now Mr. Stalin suddenly says; we had lost 4 ½ million, and Russia had only 350,000 missing - hence those can now be prisoners - 350,000 dead and 1,000,000 wounded, then one just asks oneself: Why then did the Russians run back 1 ½ thousand kilometers, if, given their huge numbers, they had only half the losses that we had?

Therefore, it is already really quite Jewish, what this Kremlin mighty say here. Furthermore, the prisoners will slowly approach European domains, after all. We will integrate them usefully into production here, and then one will see, after all, that it is not 350,000, rather really 3 !6 million.

The material that we captured in this period is immense. At this time, over 15,000 airplanes, over 22,000 tanks, over 27,000 guns. It is immense material. All the world’s industry, including our own German, could replace this material only slowly. The industry of our democracies, at any rate, will not replace it in the next years! 

And now I come to territories. We have previously occupied 1,670,000 square kilometers. This is still a region that encompasses France three or four times and England five times. In this region lie 60% to 75% of all industries and all raw materials that Russia possesses. I hope that, in a short time, we will be able to make a few more steps in order to bit by bit, slowly but surely, cut them off.

If somebody now says: “Yes, but they erred in time” – the people know precisely what measures of time I have! We defeated France in around six weeks. The occupied territory is only a fraction of what we occupy in the east. Now somebody comes and says, we had expected that we would do that in the east in one and a half months. All respect for Blitzkrieg! But one must nonetheless march in the process.

And what our infantry has performed here in marching, is world-historically unique at all. Naturally, if one runs from Ostende to Dunkirk, or from Dunkirk to Ostende, then this goes easier, I admit that. But if one marches from the German border to in front of Rostow or now to the Crimea or up to Leningrad, then those are distances, especially if one considers the roads of the “paradise of workers and peasants”. I have never yet used the term Blitzkrieg, because it is a very stupid term. But if one could apply it to any campaign at all, then it would be to this campaign! Never before has a huge empire been smashed and defeated in a shorter time than this time Russia! 

This could happen and succeed only through the unprecedented unique valor, willingness for sacrifice, through the taking upon oneself of unimaginable exertions, of our German Wehrmacht. What all German arms have performed here, this is in part unimaginable. We can only bow most deeply before our heroes.

I have already said in Berlin: whether we take our panzer riflemen or whether we take our military engineers or whether we take our artillery, our communications troops or our fliers, our Stukas, our reconnaissance planes, our fighters, whatever we take, in the end, one nonetheless again and again comes to the result: The crown is owed to the German infantryman, the German musketeer. He marches in endless expanses on bottomless paths, through morasses and swamps, he marches under scorching sun across the endless fields of the Ukraine, and he beats down bunker after bunker. With his assault military engineers, he rips open front after front. It is really a heroic song, which he sings for himself here.

Behind this front, however, stands the second front, and that is the German homeland. And behind this German home front stands a third front, and that is called Europe. If it has been said to me so often in the recent time that now the democracies arm - I have already so often mentioned that we also do not do nothing, rather I did not cease German armament, say, in the year 1939 or 1940 or 1941. What we performed previously in the area, was a lot, after all. And we continue to arm, and indeed thoroughly. And I have now shifted armament to a few special areas. If the other gentlemen come constantly with their numbers, - I do not talk of numbers, but I pronounce just the one thing: They will be amazed, what we one day assemble with!

We have always experienced this in the interior as well, after all, my party comrades. Each year we heard what the democrats did, what the Social Democrats did, what the Center or the Bavarian Folk Party did, what, for all I care, what all the other bourgeois groups did etc., or even what the communists did. We also did something, and indeed, in the end, more than this whole coalition, for we crushed them!

One tells me: “Yes, but now America is there with 125 million people.” - The Reich territory with protectorate and the province Poland namely also encompasses 125 million people! The region which today directly works for us encompasses far more than 250 million people. The region that in Europe works indirectly for this struggle, however, through our allies, already now encompasses over 350 million people! Insofar as German territory is concerned, the region that we have occupied, that we have now taken under our administration - one should not doubt that we mane to harness it in the work. One can believe that of us! It is no longer the Germany of the World War. It is a totally different Germany. And it is the misfortune of our opponents that they have not comprehended this and that they chased after this Jewish straw-head, who tells them again and again: “One only needs to do it exactly the same as one already did it once.” - Not even I do that, although I do not consider my opponents clever. Even I do not do the same thing twice, rather again and again something new. They should also learn something new, and not always hope in the old!

So they say, for example: “In the rear, a revolt will break out.” - There can be some idiot who suddenly reacts to English radio reports. But not for long! We will manage that! The rebellious actions - one should not surrender oneself to any illusions here -, the rebellious actions very quickly collapse, for today they are no longer confronted by a bourgeois Germany with kid gloves, rather the National Socialist one, it has rough fists! 

Everywhere we occupy regions, we are very polite and nobody is raped over there, for many reasons not. Breaking and robbery also do not happen. The German soldier who pursues robbery or looting there is punished even more severely than one would be punished in the homeland. We protect this population. But if somebody believes he can rebel against the occupiers or perhaps to be able to shock them through assassination, then we will strike like we struck at home in the years, when our opponents also believed they could terrorize us. In the end, we will deal with the terror; we have created the organizations for it. And we will also deal with the terror from these opponents!

Then comes the very stupidest hope, namely that an uprising, a revolution breaks out in Germany. The people who could make a revolution here, they are no longer there at all. Namely, they are already in England or America or Canada etc.. We no longer have them. The people who may want to make one, they are so few and insignificant that it is a downright joke to hope for such help. But if one should still believe among us to be able to disrupt this front, quite regardless whence he comes, from whatever camp he comes, then - you know my methods - I look at him for a certain length of time. This is a test period, which I give everybody. He can be what he wants, I look at him for a time. But then the moment comes, when I strike lightning fast and eliminate such a thing. And then all camouflage no longer helps, not even the camouflage with religion. But, as said, that will not be necessary at all among us, after all, because, above all, after all, this whole German folk is today organized in a movement, which our opponents just have not grasped, a movement that reaches into every house and which zealously makes sure than a November 1918 never again repeats itself. I have so often been a prophet in my life. One always ridiculed me, after all, but I have always been right. I want that again: Never will a November 1918 repeat itself in Germany! It cannot repeat itself at all. Everything would be conceivable, just not one thing: that Germany ever capitulates!

If our opponents say: “Yes, then the war will simply last until the year 1942” - it can last as long as it wants -, the last battalion on this field will be a German one! It is also totally pointless to want to somehow intimidate me. You know that I remain silent about a thing often for months, yes, often for years. This does not mean that I do not see it, this does not mean that I do not consider it or that I do not recognize it. If today, especially from America, ever new threats are uttered against Germany, then I looked at this in time as well. Already more than a year ago, I declared: Whatever kind of ship brings war material, hence material to kill people, will be torpedoed! If now the American President Roosevelt, who once already was responsible for Poland’s entry into this fight, who, as we can today fully prove, after all, caused France to enter into this fight, believes to be able to perhaps make us tired through an order to fire, then I can give this gentleman only one thing as reply: President Roosevelt has ordered his ships, as soon as they see Germans, to fire on them,. I have ordered German ships, as soon as they see American ones, not to fire on them, but if a German ship is attacked, to defend itself. Otherwise I put an officer who does not defend himself in front of a court-martial,

If then an American ship, on the basis of its president’s order, fires, then it will do that at its own risk. The German ship will defend itself, and our torpedoes hit. 

I will not put up with these ridiculous falsifications, for example, that we have fabricated a map, and indeed experts, German experts. I can only say to President Roosevelt: I have no experts at all in certain areas. With me, my own head suffices all alone. I do not need a brain trust for support. Hence if a change is really supposed to take place somewhere, then this initially emerges in my own brain and not in the brain of others, not even among experts. And I am not a grammar-school student who draws in an atlas, in a school atlas. South America lies as far away from us as, for all I care, the moon. They are the stupidest, grossest falsifications.

Or the claim we wanted to extinguish all the world’s religions. I am now 52 years old, and I have other things to do than to occupy myself with childishness or stupidities. Furthermore, I am not at all interested in what kinds of religions exist in the world and how the folks stand to these religions. This interests only the American President Wilson or Roosevelt, but not me at all. In the German Reich and according to our view, each can become blessed in his own fashion.

I have now read that, in America, it is forbidden for preacher to preach against the state, and that it is forbidden for soldiers to attend such sermons. That is exactly like with us. It is the same way by us. Furthermore, there is still another difference, namely that, in the German Reich, the denominations receive almost 900 million marks annually from the state, while in America not one penny! In the German Reich as well, a priest has never been persecuted due to his principles of faith, rather only then, if he leaves principles of faith and intervenes into state principles. But only a very few have done that. The greatest majority, despite everything, also stands behind the German state in the struggle. It knows quite precisely that, if this fight were to be lost or the German Reich, that under the protectorate of Stalin, at any rate, the religions would be worse off than under ours.

All other attempts to perhaps have an influence on the German folk from the outside are childish and ridiculous. The German folk has known the National Socialist as party for soon twenty years, but as state leadership now likewise already eight years, and I believe that there is no period in German history, in which, in eight years, such a mighty thing has been performed as in the German Reich under the leadership of the National Socialist movement.

The greatest witnesses, however, for the working of our movement will be those who come back from the front and compare a 23 year long working of communism with our working. Only they can pass judgment what National Socialism has performed and what would face our Europe, if this other world should be triumphant. And this is the great goal: that, in this struggle, we finally take away from Europe the threat from the east, and that in this east, in its immense fertility, in its immense wealth of soil, in its richness of mineral wealth, in ore etc., that we do not let this east to be mobilized against Europe, rather that we put this east in Europe’s service for Europe. 

This is a mighty goal, which stretches far beyond the boundaries of our party, yes, of our German Reich, mighty not only in performance, rather also mighty in the consequences. It is a lunacy, if we today view this Europe in many areas - I just need to think of the west - up to 260 people live on one square kilometer!

I see all these things - I probably may say - from a somewhat loftier standpoint. I differentiate between the Frenchman and his Jews, between the Belgian and his Jews, between the Dutchman and his Jews. I know that there are countless people there who are also victims of this crazy European construction, according to which actually Europe’s richest part is continually mobilized against Europe, without in the process their own people there possessing even the most primitive gain, not even the most primitive standard of living. For our soldiers have seen this as well, after all: In a land in which the most fertile soils springs so from the ground, in a land in which one would, with a fraction of the work, gain many times the profit as among us, the people themselves there have hardly as much as that they possess a scarf, they reside in a miserable hut, decayed, lice-ridden and filthy. I read a few days ago that one supposedly found lice on a German prisoner of war in the east. Mr. Stalin has that spread. I presume he will not believe that this prisoner of war, say, brought along these lice to Russia from Munich or from Berlin. He got them there. It is really the most miserable thing that one could find in slavery in this world at all, terrified, oppressed, run down people, half-starved! And over it, however, a regime of commissars, to 90 % of Jewish origin, who direct this whole slave state. It will be a salvation for Europe, if this danger not only disappears, rather if this fertility and if this wealth of the soil and of the earth benefits all of Europe. 

This is a mighty task, which is put to us, and I am now so much a materialist that I view this task as much more important than to concern myself with what religions dominate in America.

We have a goal that encompasses this continent, primarily our fatherland, then beyond that, however, also all those who live in the same distress as we, too. And then I am of the conviction that this continent will not be the second in the world, rather that, afterward as before, it will remain the first. For if Mr. Willkie, this honorable man, deciares there are only two possibilities, either Berlin becomes world capital or Washing-ton becomes world capital, then I can only say: Berlin does not want to be world capital at all, and Washington will never become world capital! I believe that, in Europe, half a hundred medium cities would even protest against such a cultural burden of mankind.

This great goal is essentially only the finale interpretation of our program, according to which we one assembled, this sober program, which puts human labor and hence man himself at the center of action, of striving and hence also of fulfillment.

Back then, we confronted the concepts of gold and capital with the concept of human being, folk comrade and work, and today we again oppose these concepts with man and his labor. We thereby also encompass all those who stand with us today as allies, above all, the state that suffers under the same distress, in part, an even much greater one, than Germany itself: Italy. II Duce - I know it - he feels this struggle no differently than we: a poor land, overpopulated, always disadvantaged, not knowing whither the daily bread should be taken. He has sworn with me and no power in the world will and can dissolve this bond! They are two revolutions, which began at different times, in different forms, but yet with the same goal. They will reach their goal together. 

And a number of additional European states have joined us. We can say that almost all of southeastern Europe today stands in our camp, and that large portions of the rest of Europe, even if not governmentally, then at least in orientation, is found in our front.

So we fight as National Socialists today no longer alone, rather in a mighty European front. And at the end of this year, we can probably say that the greatest danger has already been averted by this European front.

When I spoke recently in Berlin, we stood just before the preparation for a final gigantic blow. It has succeeded beyond all measure. Around 75 divisions were extinguished and annihilated with a single blow.

And the leadership of this fight as well as the execution will not tire and will not become exhausted. What the heroic courage of the front has achieved, is immortal, and for such an immortal deed - as people who believe in a Providence, we can presume this - an immortal reward will come as well. 

We must have no doubt that in these times now Europe’s fate will be decided for the next thousand years. And we can all be happy that we prepare this time, and you, my friends from the old time, you can be proud that you followed me, I who was chosen by Providence to stride this path, that you already back then followed me at a time when I, as a still unknown man, began to stride my path in this city.

And precisely in this year, we can step with even more pride before the graves of our comrades of back then. In the previous year, something could quietly burden us. We all fought against the Red Front back then, and fate had compelled us to now conclude an armistice with the Red Front. I kept this armistice loyally and honestly. The release from this obligation has now come from the other side. And I now step almost redeemed this year before the graves of our party comrades; for I know that these party comrades all had only this one goal, after all: the fight against this world enemy, against this Marxist world enemy, and the fight against its allies. They fell back then under the bullets of this front, which stretched from a stupid reaction to this fanaticized crazy front of Bolshevism.

We remember precisely this year these fallen with special feeling and with special emotion. My own feelings, you will understand them. I am in this city again for only a few hours, from which I once set out, but I am so happy to see you here again, my old companions, my old comrades in struggle. And you can believe me that, in this last year, a great weight was taken from my heart. I feel so correctly all the sacrifices that we had to make: all of our many young and old friends who now again had to pay with their blood for Germany’s rescue and perhaps must still pay.

Only it is the old, eternal conflict and the old, eternal struggle. It simply did not come to an end in the year 1918. Back then, we sacrificed two million dead, we had over 7 ½ million wounded back then, and we were swindled out of victory back then through the insanity of an internal revolution.

But that was just the beginning, the first act of this drama, the second and the finish are now being written, and this time we will bring in what one swindled us back then, point by point and position by position will now be put into the bill and cashed in. And with that, not only did the 16 men, as first blood martyrs of movement, fall at the Feldherrnhalle, rather all the millions previously as well. They, too, have now no longer fallen in vain.

The hour will come, when we can step before their graves and can say: Comrades, you have not fallen in vain! What we once pronounced in front of the Feldherrnhalle: “You have nonetheless triumphed”, we will be able to pronounce with a thousand times greater right before the graves of our World War soldiers: “Comrades, you have nonetheless triumphed!”

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